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Abstract Social and economic disadvantage – not only poverty, but a host of associated conditions – depresses student performance.
However, the policy motivation to desegregate neighborhoods is hobbled by a growing ignorance of the nation’s racial history.
It has become conventional for policymakers to assert that the residential isolation of low-income black children is now “,” resulting from racially-motivated and explicit public policy whose effects endure to the present.
Breyer argued that school districts should be permitted voluntarily to address racial homogeneity, even if not constitutionally required to do so.
The implications for children’s chances of success are dramatic: For academic performance, Sharkey uses a scale like the familiar IQ measure, where 100 is the mean and roughly 70 percent of children score about average, between 85 and 115.
Using a survey that traces individuals and their offspring since 1968, Sharkey shows that children who come from middle-class (non-poor) neighborhoods and whose mothers also grew up in middle-class neighborhoods score an average of 104 on problem-solving tests.
Analyzing Census data, Rutgers University Professor Paul Jargowsky has found that in 2011, 7 percent of poor whites lived in high poverty neighborhoods, where more than 40 percent of the residents are poor, up from 4 percent in 2000; 15 percent of poor Hispanics lived in such high poverty neighborhoods in 2011, up from 14 percent in 2000; and a breathtaking 23 percent of poor blacks lived in high poverty neighborhoods in 2011, up from 19 percent in 2000 (Jargowsky, 2013).
In his 2013 book, the New York University sociologist Patrick Sharkey defines a poor neighborhood as one where 20 percent of the residents are poor, not 40 percent as in Paul Jargowsky’s work.
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But the conventional wisdom of contemporary education policy notwithstanding, there is no evidence that segregated schools with poorly performing students can be “turned around” while remaining racially isolated.